
This book (Regnery 2010) was touted on Fox News by Newt Gingrich as being "the most profound insight I have read in the last six years about Barack Obama." Newt also said that the paradigm of postcolonialism is the only rubric through which Obama makes perfect sense. I ordered it.
The thesis of the book is that Barack Obama's "change," isn't random, but that he has a clear sense of what is, and what should be, and every waking moment is spent moving us from one state to the other.
This state of what ought to be was defined by Obama's father, Obama Senior.
D'Souza points to myriad records in Obama Sr. and Obama Jr.'s thinking that show the parallel. He also points out that Stanley (Obama's mother) was Obama Sr.'s faithful disciple even decades after their divorce and spent Obama Jr's formative years proselytizing the child under her care with her ex-husband's viewpoint. She herself now has a book published by Duke University Press that reveals how completely colonized she was by Obama Senior's postcolonial thinking.
What IS postcolonialism? It is the notion that the western powers gained their wealth by fraudulently skimming the wealth of the third world and keeping them in an adolescent state so that they could be pillaged at will. Postcolonialism argues that it is time for the third world to grow in stature, so that countries like India can take their rightful place on the UN Security Council, for instance.
Another book that I've picked up on Obama called Reading Obama by a Harvard Professor named Kloppenberg argues that Obama is a pragmatist along the lines of Richard Rorty and that his interventions are piecemeal and opportunistic (I haven't finished this book, but that's the sense of his argument that I've gleaned from browsing). What I don't understand about that perspective is what is the larger framework? To change from what is to what should be you have to have a clear map of what is and how it got to be that way versus what ought to be and how to get there. Without that, you can't operate.
D'Souza argues that American liberal capitalism (arising from Locke and Smith) is quite different from Obama's postcolonial conception.
Obama's viewpoint arises from the most important postcolonial theorist, Frantz Fanon, who also influenced his father.
Fanon writes, "The native is an oppressed person whose permanent dream is to become the persecutor" (Fanon cited on p. 134).
To get into the seat of the persecutor, however, Obama has to seem pragmatic and like a reasonable person. He can't show his aggression. "Obama recognized that he had to deliver radical and even revolutionary themes in a bland, anodyne way so that they could cross the threshold of political acceptability. Here Obama knew that he would have to become the Translator, someone who could almost mechanically convert anti-colonial politics into a rhetoric that sounds harmless and even beneficial to the people who are the targets of that politics. This was not an easy challenge, yet Obama was entirely up to it" (142).
D'Souza continues, "The approach that Obama developed is really quite simple. On a given issue, Obama begins by contrasting two extreme positions, and then he presents his view as the rational and middle of the road solution, even if there is nothing rational or middle-of-the-road about it. For instance, if Obama wants to argue for confiscatory taxes, he insists that there are some in society who don't think the rich should pay any taxes at all. There are others who say that the rich should give up all their income in taxes. Obama, ever the mediator of these differences, then declares that he will settle for the rich paying their fair share -- say 40 or 50 percent. In this way Obama's outrageously high taxation comes to seem sensible against the backdrop of two extreme positions, even though no one really holds those positions" (142).
Against this redistribution, in which the first world gives to the third world, and the wealthy give to the poor, D'Souza's notion is something along the lines of the Little Red Hen. The ones who do the work should get to keep their bread, and eat it, too. In other words, those who won't work, should not eat, as St. Paul said.
But D'Souza's argument has more levels of implication. He argues that if America were to give up its power, then China would happily step into the place of super power, and the world would be far worse off with the Red Chinese calling the shots.
"And this is indeed one option, for those who are tired of American leadership in the world. But there is a second, for those who are not. We can give up on America or we can give up on this president..." (196).
Obama is currently trying to equalize the world by transferring American power and wealth so as to negate the envy and anger of the third world and to redistribute our leadership position to places like China.
Is this a wise policy?
The problem with postcolonial socialism is that it requires dictators. Obama's father wished to become a dictator in a country (Kenya) that instead adopted the free-market approach, and he never quite made it to dictator. Instead, he fell into alcoholic rage and lost one position after another.
"For the most part, Africa rejected the route of free market capitalism and adopted a route of centralized planning and African socialism. Overall, Africa rejected Jomo Kenyatta's approach in favor of the approach of Barack Obama Sr. Over the past half-century, Africa has witnessed a succession of dictators and strongmen such as Mobutu Sese Soko in Zaire, Idi Amin in Uganda, and Hastings Kamuzu Bandi in Malawi. These thugs quickly learned the language of anticolonialism and used it as a pretext to confiscate property and appropriate it for themselves and their cronies. Moreover, these men continued for decades to blame the failures of their societies on the legacy of colonialism, freeing them from the responsibility of raising the people's standard of living. Even today Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, one of the last of the Big Daddy despots, has declared his mission as one of rooting out the last vestiges of colonial rule from his country. His strategy for doing that is to drive the European and Asian entrepreneurs out of the country and to seize the most productive lands of the white farmers. As a result, Mugabe's once productive country has been reduced to economic ruins, and most of the population is either starving or running away" (212).
Obama wants to do to America what his father wished to do to Kenya. Our entrepreneurs are already hastening to get out of this country, and set up shop elsewhere where confiscatory taxation and the ever-growing demands of government on entrepreneurs is not so leveling.
With the latest election, and a new Republican majority in the House, there is a sense that Obama's term in the Oval Office is coming to an end. As a result, the economic springs of the country may begin to have a bit of bounce. More people than last year went shopping on Black Friday, and shopowners exulted. Profit came back into the picture. No doubt, Obama will take credit for this and have another go at extending his power over the next four years and have another chance at getting his dad's crazy ideas into our legislative process. Obama will stop at nothing to make his father's dreams into reality.
"The most powerful country in the world is being governed according to the dreams of a Luo tribesman of the 1950s -- a polygamist who abandoned his wives, drank himself into stupors, and bounced around on two iron legs (after his real legs had to be amputated after a car crash), raging against the world for denying him the realization of his anti-colonial ambitions. This philandering, inebriated African socialist is now setting the nation's agenda through the reincarnation of his dreams in his son. The son is the one who is making it happen, but the son is, as he candidly admits, only living out his father's dream. The invisible father provides the inspiration, and the son dutifully gets the job done. America today is being governed by a ghost" (198).
In the last chapter D'Souza argues that Obama is the Last Anticolonialist. D'Souza argues, on the other hand, that colonialism is the best thing that ever happened to India. Instead of the caste system, and a group of 3% of Brahmins setting the agenda, now the whole of India can vote, women can read and write, and aren't expected to throw themselves on the pyres of their dead husbands who were often thrice their age. There is a fair judicial system. There is mandatory schooling for all. The endemic poverty that held most of India down for thousands of years is beginning to lift as Indian entrepreneurs manufacture under a fair and consistent set of rules that guarantee that the risk of their investments won't be arbitrarily seized by some dictator or high falutin' maharaja.
D'Souza quotes India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on the benefits of British colonialism, "Our notions of the rule of law, of a Constitutional government, of a free press, of a professional civil service, of modern universities and research laboratories have all been fashioned in the crucible where an age-old civilization met the dominant Empire of the day" (209).
D'Souza himself believes that India benefited, although there was at first a humiliation as India had to realize it was outmoded in terms of its military ability, and in every other way, by a western power.
"So while Obama fumes, I am happy to raise my glass and toast that curmudgeonly old defender of the British empire, Winston Churchill" (209).
Africa's disaster is that it missed out on British imperialism, D'Souza writes. Mosquitoes and "a host of deadly diseases" (210), kept the British out of Africa. "A strong case can be made that Africa's problem isn't colonialism but too little colonialism" (210). The poorest regions of the world are those that had little contact or too little contact with Britain. South America and the Philippines were under the Spanish. Most of Africa was never fully under the sway of the British.
Meanwhile, America and Australia are now very wealthy and solid countries, as is New Zealand. South Africa is a wealthy country because the situation allowed the British to take control of the country. While racism was clearly an issue in South Africa, the calories were more plentiful in South Africa than in the rest of the continent. If you look at the Human Development Index, it is only South Africa that ranks relatively high (out in the Indian Ocean but still technically belonging to Africa, is also the island of Mauritius, an English-speaking island that is relatively prosperous by comparison with the reeking rot of redolent ruin that consumes most of Africa with the exception of Kenya).
Places that came under Portuguese domination such as Brazil are still economic backwaters.
We fixed Japan's wagon after World War II, and it is right up there with the first world.
The postcolonial notion is that America is seizing the goods of the poorer nations. In fact, those nations that came fully under our sway always did better in the long run. Those that come under the sway of China or some other power stink by comparison.
"Contrary to the charges of the anti-colonialists, the United States today has no intention of ruling or seeking tribute from other countries; America's foreign policy goals are basically to encourage people to trade with us and to make sure they don't bomb us" (216).
D'Souza's books aren't always this well-written. I've read some of his other books and they pop around from idea to idea as if he's got Attention Deficit Syndrome. This book is one fastball after another thrown elegantly at 108 mph right down the pipe of the anticolonialist mentality. It's a series-ending no-hitter.
In the acknowledgements, D'Souza writes, "Mary Beth Baker did the editing that makes my work flow so well; if at any time it doesn't flow so well, direct all complaints to Mary Beth" (219). Mary Beth Baker must have coaxed the best from D'Souza -- like a savvy catcher and coach combined into one.
It's a brief book, that can be finished in two or three sittings. It's clear and fascinating, taking no more time to read than to watch a single game of the World Series. It is probably not the last word on Obama, but it might be the best. I intend to read Kloppenberg's liberal assessment, Reading Obama (Princeton 2010), sometime over the Christmas break (too busy until then). D'Souza's book might singlehandedly change the political thinking of our nation as the left continues to pull students and professors into the postcolonial black hole. This book shows that that's a mistake, and returns us to our best and sunniest game: democratic and pluralistic capitalism under the protection of Locke and Smith.











