
While travelling over the last three weeks I couldn't continue to read Mary Midgley because she requires full attention. I didn't have any clear time most days because I was sight-seeing with four small children and almost always had one on my lap, or was taking one to the rest-room. In the few minutes I had every night before sleep, I had to teach an online class (which went very well!).
But there were moments in the day that I had time to read. Once I was stuck on the Northeast Extension (it's a highway that goes from Philadelphia to Scranton, PA), and everyone fell asleep. The traffic was going about 5 mph over a ten mile stretch (do the math), and so I read 100 pages of a book called Murder in Amsterdam: Liberal Europe, Islam, and the Limits of Tolerance, by Ian Buruma. The book is extremely vivid, and about as difficult as eating a bag of salted chips.
Buruma teaches at Bard College, but he grew up in Holland. I'm not sure of his ethnic background. He mentions in the book that he had lived for years in Japan, too. But his upbringing in Holland was at The Hague, which is where the cultural elite of Holland are raised.
When the film-maker Theo Van Gogh had had his throat slit by Mohammed Bouyeri on November 2, 2004, Buruma decided to investigate.
Buruma interviews Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Van Gogh's family, various Muslims (fiery imams as well as ex-Muslim apostates) and a panoply of odd Dutch characters all of whom seem to know one another as they share the same small country for a stage. Reading the book is a little like reading a Shakespeare play insofar as each action by each character is balanced by the actions and thoughts of the others.
Holland, Buruma argues, is a small country where consensus rules. Since the 1960s however there has been a kind of PROTESTANT truth-telling, in which loudmouths say exactly what is on their mind, and this is considered to be a virtue, and at least gets you television time.
Theo Van Gogh was perhaps the greatest loudmouth. He made fun of everyone and everything, even saying things like he wanted to f. the Muslim deity.
In the midst of the 21st century, there is a kind of 12th century sensibility, too. Buruma argues that this 12th century sensibility is not relativist. It is absolutist. And it feels not only entitled to slaughter the relativists, but feels that this is mandatory.
That said, Mohammed Bouyeri, quite the opposite of Theo Van Gogh who had sex with all kinds of people all the time, couldn't score. His sexual frustration led him to find an outlet for his personality within the furthest limits of the Muslim world. In a philosophy called Takfir, there was a deadly seriousness that was opposed to the debating game played by the right and left in western states. There is no irony and no freedom of speech within the furthest reaches of Muslim fundamentalism.
Buruma delineates the shifting loyalties and concerns of various players in the panorama very well. On the left, many moved to the right after 9/11:
"But the real shift came when a well-known sequence of events drove many former leftists into the conservative camp. First came the Salman Rushdie affair: 'their' values were indeed clashing with 'ours,'; a free-spirited cosmopolitan writer was being threatened by an extreme version of an alien religion. Then New York was attacked. And now Theo Van Gogh, 'our' Salman Rushdie, was dead. Leftists, embittered by what they saw as the failure of multiculturalism, or fired up by the anticlericalism of their revolutionary past, joined conservatives in the battle for the Enlightenment" (30-31).
I could recognize myself in this shift.
But it is easy to overlook the shades of difference. Ayaan Hirsi Ali is a Muslim apostate who had written the screenplay for the film for which Theo Van Gogh was murdered. After the murder, she had to go into hiding, and finally had to leave Holland, and now lives in hiding in America. Hirsi Ali has an odd history. She fled an arranged marriage in Germany to find refugee status in Holland, and quickly learned Dutch so well that she became a member of parliament.
At first the leftists welcomed her as a beacon of anticlericalism and free speech, but Ayaan Hirsi Ali sided instead with the far right:
"It was only to be expected, then, that Ayaan would leave the Social Democrats to join the free enterprise party, the VVD. Delighted to have a beautiful black critic of the welfare state and Muslim radicalism in a party that was, overall, very male and very white, she was welcomed as a walking Statue of Liberty. But this move alienated her even further from the progressives on the left, who saw her now not just as an enemy of multiculturalism, but as a renegade as well. It gave rise to the common slur that Ayaan was the darling of middle-aged conservative white men -- professors of Enlightenment philosophy, guardians of European values, advocates for the rights of Dutch 'natives' who live in fear of the alien threat" (170).
But Hirsi Ali did not even accept God. "Her real ambition was to be the Voltaire of Islam, to attack the faith" (170).
Ahmad Aboutaleb is another character in the vast panorama on this tiny stage. Born in Morocco, he has become a kind of moderate figure, although he remains a pious Muslim. His basic argument is that tolerance should not be a one-way street, and he continually asks the Muslims to tone down their rhetoric. He is considered a turncoat by Muslims, and has a price on his head. He is considered a Jewish sympathizer, and is hated by the far right of Holland, too.
Underneath all the rhetoric is a frequent turning to the Jews of Holland during World War II, and to the myth that the Dutch helped the Jews, and that they are multiculturalists since the 1620s, the first society to be so, and as such, a beacon to the world. In the face of this myth, 70% of Dutch Jews died in World War II, including the likes of Anne Frank. Although many Dutch did care, there was also an active and enthusiastic Nazi movement within Holland. Buruma therefore keeps asking: what is the myth, and what is the truth, not only of their time, but ours, within this supposedly enlightened country?
If this is the description of the society (it is only 260 pages in length, but it's incredible how much description is packed into those easily read pages), then what is the prescription? What is Buruma's argument? What should we do or think differently, after we've read this book?
Buruma argues that Holland gratefully sought out illiterate and backwards men and women from the lowest reaches of Muslim societies in order to exploit their labor within Holland. Mohammed Bouyeri saw his father's broken back as he had spent a lifetime laboring within Holland as a guest worker doing grunt work. Moreover, the Dutch claim there is a way to the top for hard-working foreigners, but in actual fact Muslim youth are rarely successful in Holland. They get sidetracked into lower level jobs, and this in a sense forms a kind of unofficial apartheid.
The religious traditions of Islam form in addition a kind of extra restraint on Muslim women. They want to join the free society, but they also experience guilt toward their fathers and families when they become too western. Even learning Dutch too well and going out with Dutch men is all but forbidden. Ayaan Hirsi Ali's sister committed suicide after making a bolt for freedom and having briefly a Dutch boyfriend, and then reeling in remorse. The Dutch state does give subsidies and free housing to the poorest of the working poor from Arabic countries. However, they do not give them respect.
And so the Muslims of Europe, or at least of Holland, do not feel at home. Their only image of home is that of the afterlife, to which they are all too willing to go after having blown up in resentment the false images of freedom and beauty that the west has temptingly offered to them and to their parents.
The book made me think of Mexicans in America, or Pakistanis in England. The idea is to bring them in and have them do the worst and most denigrating labor for cheaper wages. The first generation is willing to do this because it's better than starving at home, and it gives them hope for their children. The children see the pain of their parents, and wonder if it's worth it. If not, they go on rampages. This may be also what is happening with Mexican crimes in our own country.
What is the answer?
If you're going to invite someone into your home you can't expect them to lick your toilets for generations. You have to either welcome them on equal terms, or keep them out. You have to do one or the other. Buruma doesn't arrive at such a strict black-and-white lesson as I've just put here, but doesn't it make sense? People are especially vulnerable in another person's house. If the host treats you like garbage, or forces your parents to lick the toilet for your supper, you want revenge.
A culture is like a private person's house. If you want true multiculturalism, you have to not only put up with alien traditions, and tolerate them, you must elevate them to equal status with the 'native' traditions. You can't expect guests to give up their language, their culture, without resentment. One of the slydog tricks of multiculturalism is that we expect everyone to come to the west and join the melting pot, which means that our laws will trump those of Sharia, that clitorectomies will become a thing of the past, that Muslim women will be free to engage in sex with whomever they wish, and that Mexicans will speak excellent English and yet still work in orange groves almost for free without social security. We trumpet the "literature" of people who come from countries where freedom of expression is almost without precedent, but we look down on their religious ceremonies, especially when they conflict with our own. Voodoo is still looked down upon, as is head-shrinking, and cannibalism.
Not that these aren't demented.
Buruma doesn't really provide a prescription, nor do I have one. But I at least wanted to describe the problem that Buruma presents, since it's not going to be simple to resolve.